
Class £-3 5" 7 

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ORATION, 

PRONOUNCED AT FITCHBURG, 

BEFORE YH& 

WASHINGTON BENEVOLENT SOCIETY 

Of 

LEOMINSTER AND FITCHBURG. 

AT THEIR ANNIVERSARY CELEBRATION 

OF OUR NATIONAL BIRTH DAY, 
JULY 4, A. D. 1814. 



BY ABRAHAM HASKELL, 



PRINTED AT WORCESTER, 
BY ISAAC STURTEFANT. 

I8i4. 






We the undersigned, a committee chosen for the 
purpose, tender you the thanks of the Washington Benevolent 
Society, of Leominster and Fitchburg, for the excellent and p.' 
triotic Oration delivered before them this day — and request a 
copy of the same for publication. 

David Wilder, jun. 

LtOXARD BuRBAKK, 

bbzaleml j.ah rence, 
Joel Crosbt, 
Oliver Fox. 
Dr. Abraham Haskell, 
Fitchburg, July 4rA, 1814. 



GENTLEMEN) 

The Oration this day spoken, before the Society 
and othcis, was dictated solely by the feelings of the Author. — 
If the sentiments expressed meet their approbation and they 
shall judge, that their publication might contribute to the good 
of the great cause in which v/e are engaged, they are, gentle- 
men, with much diffidence submitted to their disposal, by their 
faithful brother and friend, 



Db. David Wilder, jun. 
and the oilier Gentlemen 

of the Committee. 
-. July 4.7/, 1814. 



Abraham Haskell. 






ORATION. 



THE Supreme Governor of the universe, who 
holds the destinies of nations in his hand, determine d, Uinns 
that these once British Provinces should be erected j 
into a separate government, and the fulness of time j^^ 
for its accomplishment being come, the delegates 
from the several colonies then in congress assembled, 
and acting as his heralds, proclaimed the high behest, 
by that solemn act of the 4th of July in the year of our 
LORD 1776, which severed these colonies from the 
crown and government of Great Britain, and placed 
them upon the broad base of free, sovereign, and in- 
dependent states. Thus was a nation born in a day ! 
For lo ! the U. States of America, emerging from 
the womb of Providence, raised her trembling head, 
and was from that time forth recognized and number- 
ed amongst the rations of the earth. This, verily, 
was the Lord's doing, and it is still marvellous in our 
eyes. 

It hath been customary from time immemorial, to 
perpetuate the rerpemberance of great and important 
national events, by publick Festivals, or by the insti- 
tution of certain rights or ceremonies calculated to 
make the appropriate impression on the mind, and 
proper to be observed at stated pe riods. And for this 
custom we have the highest authority : witness the 
several institutions commanded by God, to be obser- 
ved by the children of Israel, lo perpe tuate the remem- 
brance of their miraculous emancipation from the K- 
gyptian bondage. 

And it hath been eustomai ss 

institutions to have particular refi inci 

pal agent, by w hose instrumental^ . thos 
been brought about, And although there doth • 



appear any account of that particular circumstance in 
the Mosaic history ; yet we have a tradition, bv which 
we are informed, that Moses, after he had safely con- 
ducted the children of Israel through the Red Sea, 
placed the tabernacle which he was commanded to 
erect, in a due East and West position, that by that 
circumstance the people might be reminded of that 
strong and miraculous East wind, which blew all the 
preceding night, and which was the immediate instru- 
ment in the hand of God, in preparing the sea for their 
safe passage through it 

In attempting an humble imitation of examples 
of such high and unquestionable authority, can there 
be a good citizen present who must not feel the im- 
pulse of duty, as well as that of inclination, in joining 
to commemorate our national birth, and to celebrate 
the distinguished virtues of Him who was the renown- 
ed hero of the revolution ? Our beloved W a shing- 
ton was this hero ; he was the principal agent in lead- 
ing and conducting these U. States to that Liberty and 
independence, which we this day celebrate. But his 
wisdom in the cabinet equalled his valor in the field ; 
for, under the federal constitution, he adopted a sys- 
tem of policy, which he tried and proved ; and he left 
us a model of it by whose assistance we might be en- 
abled forever thereafter so to administer the govern, 
ment, as to be sure to profit by that liberty and inde- 
pendence he had so gloriously achieved for us. 

Since Washington therefore was the instrument 
in the hand of God of doing so much for us, his vir- 
tues, according to the Mosaic custom alluded to, must 
have an indisputable claim upon our particular attention 
in the exhibitions of this day. 

But before I proceed to the consideration of these, 
it may not be improper to observe, that there have 
been W different systems of policy adopted since the 
(. stablisTiment ol' the national government. The first 
was that adopted by Washington, at his induction in- 
to office as fust President under the federal constitUi 



tion. This he invariably pursued during the eight 
years of his Presidency ; and it was principally obser- 
ved bv his immediate successor, Mr. Adams. The 
other was that adopted by Mr. Jefferson, at the com- 
mencement of his presidential career. And this mode 
of administering the government hath been pertina- 
ciously persisted in by him, and by his successor, Mr. 
Madison, to the present time. 

Now in order to form a just estimate of the rela- 
tive value of these two systems of policy, it will be 
proper to point out some of the leading principles, in 
each, to contrast them, and to compare their different 
effects : for these effects are their natural fruits, which 
we are to expect to gather under their operation, 
whether good or bad. " For a good tree bringeth not 
forth corrupt fruit ; neither doth a corrupt tree bring 
forth good fruit." If the fruit, therefore, by which 
we shall know them, prove pleasant and salutary, let 
us endeavour to nourish and cherish the stock, and to 
guard it with religious care against the rude attacks of 
bold assailants, or secret emissaries. But on the other 
hand, if, on examination the fruit should be found of 
a noxious quality, tending to destroy the health of the 
body politic, let us exert our united energy in exter- 
minating it root and branch, nor suffer the land of l.b- 
erty, nor the republican air we breathe, to be contam- 
inated by its poisonous effluvia. 

The policy adopted by Washington, was the true 
republican policy, open and frank ! And the meas- 
ures proposed by him, Mere generally such, as would 
bear the test of popular criticism. They were seldom 
or never of that suspicious character, which required 
conclave darkness for their enactment : but being 
stamped with Propriety, in legible characters, they 
needed only to be seen, to meet the cordial support o'f 
the people. 

A summary of this most excellent policy is con- 
tained in Washington's last legacy to the people ofthe 
United States, called his Fa he w i l l Ad d r ess, whose 



intrinsic worth entitles it to be written in letters of gold. 
And as the Washington Benevolent Society profess 
to adopt it as the standard of political orthodoxy, Ave 
should read it by day, meditate upon it by night, and 
treasure up its precious contents in the archieves of 
our hearth. For it is the voice of a skilful pilot beck- 
oning and proclaiming, this is the way ! And if we 
pay a proper attention to it, it will prove to us, like the 
Shechinah to the children of Israel; " as a pillar of 
a cloud by day, and as a pillar of fire by night," to 
guide and direct us through the wilderness of faction, 
and the darkness of intrigue, to the quiet possession 
of a land Mowing with milk and honey, with peace 
and plenty. 

In considering the Washington policy, I shall di- 
vide it into two heads ; First, as it respects our internal 
police ; and secondly, as it regards our foreign inter- 
course. 

I. Of internal police, or the manner of conduct- 
ing our own affairs amongst ourselves : It was the 
policy of Washington so to administer this branch of 
the government, as to maintain peace, and harmony a- 
rnongst the people, and to cultivate good will and 
friendship between the several sections oi country 
composing the United States. And respecting this 
last clause, his solicitude was so great, as to induce him 
to lament the introduction of those terms used to denote 
: uphical distinctions, such as northern and south- 
ern," atlantic and western states ; as he suspected, that 
ming demagogues might make use of those terms 
luce the people to believe, that those opposite see- 
have different interests and different views, and to 
ver certain party purposes, might thus set them 
e. He says " you cannot shield yourselves 
much against the jealousies and heart-burnings-, 
: \ spring from these misrepresentations ; the) 
to r< nder alien to each other, those who ought to 
bound together by fraternal affection." 
In no part of Washington's administration d 



rtrer stronger marks of wisdom, sound judgment, 
?.nd true patriotism, than in his selection and app 
ment of suitable candidates to fill the several impor- 
tant offices. In this business favouritism and party 
views had no influence. But his sole object being the 
public good, his whole reliance was upon the integri- 
ty, the capability, and the fidelity of the candid 
The ability of his officers, and their faithful discharge 
of the trust reposed in them, leave not a doubt of the 
truth of these positions. He did not sour the minds 
of one political party, by conferring his favours upon 
the other exclusively ; neither did he degrade the A ■ 
merican character, by filling important offices with 
foreigners, in preference to American born citizens. 

Mr. Jefferson, at his outset gave us a specimen of 
his arch sophistry, with which his whole administration 
was strongly tinctured. For, said he, " We are ali 
Federalists! We are all Republicans ! " intending by 
these expressions to cause the people to believe that 
which was not true, namely, that lie felt as friendly to- 
wards one political party, as towards the other. And 
how elated were the people, especially the Federal par- 
ty at this appearance of impartiality ? But alas ! how 
short lived was the transport ! It served only to augment 
their subsequent chagrin and disappointment. For 
in a short space of time he displayed to the world his 
intolerance and hatred of federalism, and his determin- 
ation to put it under his feet, by the unjustifiable re- 
movals of good and faithful men from office, m 
the orthodox or old Washington school, against whom. 
as touching the duties of their offi ht couli 

be alleged : but they were removed, because the] 
not subscribe to his newfangled political creed. 
his undue attachment to the y was at 

tlie same time demonstrated, by hi:, filling tin 
ted offices with nun wholly selected from the demo 
eratic ranks. These obs 
ply equally both to the Jeffersonian and th< 
administrations i as ■'' i ■ 



8 

as one and the same. But their selection of unfeeling 
men, depraved enough to push their Napoleon meas- 
ures, especially in the collector's department, to the 
last extremity, how much soever they might incom- 
mode or distress the people by their abuse of power, 
could not much redound to the honor of the republic- 
an party. This abuse of power in the collector's de- 
partment, is no chimera. For how many instances 
of it, doth the mere mention of the non-intercourse and 
embargo laws bring to our recollection ? For it 
seems, there could be nothing great enough to deter, 
nor small enough to elude, the rapacity of those ver- 
mins employed in the execution of those laws. A list 
of their abuses would extend from the seizure and de- 
tention of the specie belonging to the New- England 
bank, down to that of a lady's travelling trunk, which 
was taken, carried off, searched, and its female con- 
tents exposed in a publick office, to the no small mor- 
tification of the infamous perpetrators ! 

After taking a general, but cursory view of the 
subject and observing the manner in which the officers 
appointed, have managed the affairs committed to die ir 
charge, we are led to suspect, that flaming parity zeal, 
and parasitical clamourings, must have been qualifica- 
tions strongly attracting presidential notice in his sev- 
eral appointments. 

Hence the appointment of so many men to offices, 
for which they have proved themselves utterly un- 
qualified. And on no other ground are we able to ac- 
count for the continual disasters attending the Canada 

war. 

But the partiality of the executive being too evi- 
dent to need further elucidation, I shall close this first 
head of domestic police, with a few general observa- 
tions. 

The abuse of the high prerogative oi the execu- 
tive in appointing weak or wicked men to important 
offices, and the perversion of the right of suffrage in 
the people by their electing bad or unsuitable men for 



\& i s are both of one and the same nature ; they be 
irethesame object, party purposes ; and they both 
li unen h linty tend to produce the ame dis- 

astrous eife< destruction of the peace, the har- 

mony, and the prosperity of the people. 

'i he abuse of power in the chief magistrate is the 
natural consequence of the perversion of the right* 
of election. For if the people will sacrifice the good 
of the country to the gratification of party spirit ; i 
regardless of the public good, they will I x 11 the rno^r 1 : 
important offices with violent partizans, to crush their 
political opponents : the people in such a case can ha 
no right to calculate upon the strictest integrity in of- 
ficers thus chosen ; and if they act consistently they 
do not wish to find it in them. For where party spir- 
it rises to such a pitch, reason is put mv jt, and 
patriotism retires to the back ground ; but the govern- 
ing principle is party triumph. And the responsibili- 
ty for any evils which may occur, in consequence of 
bad measures adopted, as truly falls to die share of the 
people, who by corruption put him into office, as to 
the president, who reccommends the ruinous meas- 
ures. For the people were first in the transgression. 
In a republican form of government all power is 
I to originate in the people, because they alone can 
aiize it, by filling those several offices, without 
which the government would cease to exist. So ic 
may with equal propriety be said, that when any public 
calamity befalls the country in consequence of «tm-a~ tk^, 
doption of weak or w icked measures, the evil as truly ~ 
emanates from the people in this case, as the power did 
in the former : because by the abuse of their c 
right, they placed bad men without which cir- 
cumstance havingtaken place, those ruinous measures 
would not have been adopted . This is an importanttruth 
which ought to .sin!, deep into the heart of every elector. 
11. The second general head respects our foreign 
relations, or the manner in concern u . 
Foreign natioiis '. .- . been managed. 



10 

It was the policy of Washington to maintain < 
faith, and to keep the scale of ju nice in equal pi 
with all nations : to support a strict neutrality with the 
Belligerents, not granting favours to one, which he 

d deny to the other, and thus to avoid, collisions 
with both ; and by infringing upon the rights of none 
but doing strict justice to all, to cultivate peace and 
friendship with the whole world 

Mr. Jefferson, conscious of his own abilities, 
which all are ready to acknowledge ; too proud to 
tread in the steps of another, but strongly prone to par- 
tiality ; adopted a system of policy very different frond 
that of Washington ; and this is the system adopted 
by Mr, Madison, and pursued by him to this day. lint 
it is so enveloped in m; and in the habit of 

transacting its most important business in conclave 
darkness, that it is much easier positively to say, what 
it is not, than what it is. And although it must de- 
pend upon the people for the support of its measures ; 
yet it is not that open and frank policy, which is in the 
habit of consulting popular opinion ; hence the people 
grow jealous of it : and should they, under such sus- 
picious circumstances imagine it to be worse than it 
really is, the people ought not to be too severely cen- 
sured for it ; for re < y natural- 
ly excite suspicion. 

The mystic policy of our present administration 

• s to be much I Jculated for an absolute 

monarchy, than for a popular government. For in a 

itism, where the word of the monarch is the law 
of the land, he alone is responsible for the measun 
takes ; and therefore he hath no occasion to consult the 
opinion of the people. 

But in a republic or popular government, wh< 
the rulers are deputed by the people, and coi 
as their agents, hi in their behalf; and 

where the peoj le have the power, in case of misde- 
.• them from office, and appoint oth- 
err in their stead : I say, where the people have a right 



11 

o exercise all these powers, it is reasonable an 1 
hat the people likewise should bear their part of the 
esponsibility, which should be in proportion to the 
fiowcr remaining in their hai 

And as the people are thus rendered answerable for 
the doings of their agents or rulers ; it is fit and pr 
that their agents or rulers should, from time to time 
make their constituents, the people, full; 
with the true and un state of their affairs. 

This doctrine might, perhaps, strike the mind i 
forcibly, if it were applied to our individual or secular 
concerns. Let us therefore suppose, that one of us 
had an important dispute to settle with a rich and pow- 
erful man in 1 [ampshire, and he should appoint 
an agent to attempt a settlement by negociation. Now 
agent, instead of letting his constituent know the 
terms upon which a settlement might be had, in order 
for further instructions, should, on account of some 
miff, for disrespectful treatment which he supposed 
he had received, commence of his own accord a haz- 
ardous law suit, which if unsuccessful must terminate 
in the total ruin of his constituent : could we in this 
case say, that the agent had acted a prudent, or even a 
justifiable part ? surely we could not : but we must 
say, that the constituent ought forthwith to di 
him from that agency, for which he had 
self so inadequate and unworthy. 

In applyi ning to nail. :rs, I 

would not degrade the character of our rulers, by ap- 
plying to them the ignomigious and slavish epithet of 
serve ime in the plenitude of liberty and equ 

have licenciously done ; butl would distinguish 
by the honourable name of agents, to whose 

idelity we have entrusted the 
national concerns ; and who, on account of the i 
deuce we hive reposed in thr.i, are reciprocal.'} i 

\ ery tie of honour and gratitude to adopt and pur- 
sue such measure.,, (aside from all pi par, 
tiality, passioi h ought net in the 



12 

of rulers,) as shall appear best calculated to 
promote the peace, happiness, and prosperity of th 

community. 

But should our rulers, I by the honour we 

have conferred upon them, forget that they arc our 
nts ; and instead of acting for our interest , respect- 
; our opinion, or regarding our wants or sufferings, 
■ aid give themselves up whollj to die dictates of 
their own capricious passions, and to gratify which 
.should plunge the country into a cruel and disastrous 
war, which might put to hazard our existence as a na- 
tion : what would be the opinion of disinterested judg- 
es respecting such rulers ? Would they say, they 
hive deserved well, and still merit the further confi- 
dence of the people 9 I trow not. But history will give 
such men and measures their true character. 

This unfortunate war was declared at a time when 
we were unprepared for it, for we had neither men, 
ships, nor money, or next to none, to carry it on, com- 
pared with the power with which we were about to 
contend. It was declared when the property jrf the 
citizens of the United States, to an immense amount, 
loat, which, being without an adequate naval 
protection, was liable to capture, a great part of which 
did actually fail into the enemy's hands. It was de- 
on account of an infringement of our maritime 
'its, against the stroi v. il power, which now 

doth exist, or which ever di^ exist on the globe. It 
( d to avenge the done our citizens 

on the high seas ; to avenge them, I say, on the peace- 
able and unoffending inhabitants of the Canadas, ir, 

. whom arc attached to us, by the stroll 5 of 

co tity. And it was declared, I will not a 

e, ; for candour must at both 

lin and France, the oneas well as the other, 
iven abundant cause for war, by their unboun- 
ded and abominable robberies c the 
property of our citizens, 1 th lawful e 

. . We had, ion 



18 

,,, , ir, and our government would have 

,i justifiable in declaring it, had the}- been in p< 
;slon of the means sufficient to have commanded 
that reasonable preparation, which the aggressors de- 
clined voluntarily to make us. But we are assured 
that many things are lawful, which are not expedient. 
The propriety of declaring war, v. hen 01 r government 
did declare it, must therefore turn on the expediency 
of the measure. 

Where then could have been the expediency of 
declaring war, when the sinews of it, on our part were 
shriveled, shrunk, and dried up ? For our government^ 
in concert with the views of a foreign tyrant, had a- 
dopted a system of restrictive measures, which had 
cut off every important stream, and thus dried up the 
great national depository. Could it have been expe- 
dient, let the provocation have been never so great, to 
have declared War against a powerful nation, when the 
only means- remaining, by which we could hope to 
procure money to carry it' on, consisted in the pre- 
carious one of borrowing, or in the more disgus- 
ting one of taxation ? And since all will allow, 
that it would require the united efforts of the whole 
nation, to carry on the contemplated war with ef- 
fect ; where Mas the propriety of declaring it, 
when it was well known, that a large proportion of 
the people were utterly opposed to it, as inexpedient 
and unnecessary ; and who thus considered it, i 
cause the redress sought, was«gg#likely to be obtained wtr?t 
by friendly negotiation. Where could be the expe- 
diencv of declaring war aeainst a nation that com- 
mands the ocean, when our widely extended seaport 
towns were nearly in defenceless state ? most ce; 
in a state, which could not have prevented thoir Ix i 
laid in ashes lonii- ! i( :■. re this time, had our enemybi 
bent on wantoi n, as mi ' I il 

Clure was, when he burntNewark ! (A) O my count' 
well may we blush, when our c .'.net is cont: 

ted with that of th , whom we have i :id 

imprudently select ur enemy ! 



u 

Now under all these unfavourable and forbidding 
' ircumstances, how are we to account for the declara- 
tion of war ? Was it the effect of warm, of exuberant 
love to their country '? If it was, we must suppose that 
those, who so vehemently urged it on, musthave been 
in the predicament into which disappointed lovers arc 
said sometimes to fall, when they run naad ! And not- 
withstanding it bears strong marks of derangement ; 
yet, I am persuaded, there musthave bermsome pow- 
erful motive, which hath been kept behindthe curtain, 
by which we arc to account for that extraordinary 
measure. 

It was before observed, that the policy of the pre- 
sent administration hath been so dark and ambiguous, 
that it is difficult to say fully what it is. One thing in 
it, however, appears pretty clear, which is, it bears the 
strongest marks of partiality. (B) And in support of 
this opinion, the following circumstances are adduced. 

The readiness with which the executive was wont 
to make his communicacions respecting British aggres- 
sions, and his seeming reluctance in announcing those 
of France. His withholding some of these last, (C) a 
considerable time, or till they were extorted from him 
by the calls of congress, go to show that he did not feel 
equally amicable towards both nations. 

But the manner and different language employed 
on those occasions, more clearly evince- his different 
sensations. For while those of Great Britain were paint- 
ed in strong colours, ajid represented in a manner cal- 
culated toexc ite resentment, animosity, and revenge, as 
if to prepare the public mind to engage with alacrity 
and zeal in the contemplated war ; those of France 
were touched with great delicacy, glanced upon, and 
passed over, as I it were the intention of the cx- 

Litive to erase from the mind even the idea of an in- 
jury done.(B) Add to this, the fruitful invention (Bsci - 
d in the government and their slavish paragraph- 
in finding apologies for her unprovoked aggres-* 

. For i<> soothe the people, and make them be- 
. :, that there was nothing inconsistent with real 



IB 

friefldship in the robberies of France, they did [that for 
her, which she did not even ask of them ; they con- 
strued her cruel rapacities into municipal regulations. 

Arc not these circumstances, I would ask, suffi- 
cient to convince a reasonable and candid mind, that 
our administration hath all along acted under the in- 
fluence of a fixed aversion towards Great Britain, and 
a doting fondness for France ? should any one still 
doubt the correctives of these opinions, I will bring one 
or two evidences more, which, I think, cannot fail to 
render their truth as clear as a problem in Euclid. 

Flatred and revenge are like the yellow jaundice, 
which, in the e\ cs of the patient tinges all objects of 
its own colour. So when men are fraught with these 
malignant passions, they can discover nothing in the 
object of their hatred, but appearances correspondent 
with their own sensations. Hence they are liable to be 
deceived, by imagining they discover marks of hos- 
tility, where no hostility exists. Hence likewise we 
may, perhaps, learn the cause, why our executive and 
his warm abettors could discover gross indecorum and 
insult in the correspondence of a Btitish minister, 
whilst impartial judges could discern nothing indec- 
orous in his conduct.(D) 

So likewise, a doting fondness for a person or par- 
ty, may be compared to Cupid's veil, which poets tell 
us, can hide from the eyes of the fond admirer every 
fault and imprefection, and make even deformity and 
ugliness appear like nothing but perfect beauty and 
loveliness! Hence we may learn the reason, likewise- 
why our administration and its doting advocates, 
could see nothing like impropriety or insult in the 
i mpruden t letter of Champagny, duke of Cadore, of the *mA~* 
fourth of Febuary IS 10, in which lie told our gove. 
ment, that " they are without just political views 
" without honour !" " without |" «« more de- 

pendent," (meaning upon Great Britain,) " than Ja- 
maica ! " and advises them " to tear to pieces their 
charter of Independence I" 



• 

m dismissed a British i r, for 

making a statement respecting Mr Erskine's instruc- 
tions, in a point of light different from that v. 
had clone, and for endeavouring to support it. How 
could a man of such exquisk ility read Cham - 

pagny's letter without emotion, and pocket ; t without a 
manner? surely it would require more than Monti- 
cellian philosophy to account for these dungs upon a- 
ny other principles, thru those, upon which I have at- 
tempted to explain them. 

A distinguished feature in the Washington poli- 
cy was the encouragement of commerce and naviga- 
tion. For Washington, like all other wise and pru- 
dent statesmen, considered commerce a main pillar in 
the edifice of national wealth and prosperity. Accor- 
dingly he left it free, to push its honest enterprize into 
whatever part of the world mercantile calculation might 
direct it. 

But aware of the rapacious disposition of man- 
kind, and considering that commerce unprotected; 
would be like the dove amongst birds of prey ; ho 
therefore laid the foundation of a navy, to guard it a« 
gainst depredation and robbery. 

Under ■ ' , i /ices of this policy, our young com- 

merce flourished to a degree before unknown in any 
nation. The American canvass so< n whiten 

and visited even- dime ; and our products found 
their way to the highest markets. 

This gave animation to enterprise^ vigour to the 
hand of labour, employment and support to the poor, 
to industry a rich reward, and to the nation an over- 
flowing treasury ! 

The V '■ was laid in the best feeling 

of the human heart, and had for its object the noblest 
purposes ; one of which was, the discharge of a debt of 
honour a • For remembering the impor- 

tant services i whse patriol il in- 

1 them to take their lives in their hands, and ex- 
high pla I field, to achieve for 



17 

us liberty and independence : the government was then* 
too honest and too generous to set down contented un 
tier these important acquisitions, till ample provision 
should be made for their complete remuneration. 

Under the operation of this policy, the debt con- 
tracted during the revolutionary war, was gradually di- 
minishing ; and had this excellent policy been steadily- 
pursued, it would, in a few years have completely can- 
celed the whole national debt. 

Thus while the Washington policy gladdf~°dthe 
hearts of the people with plenty and prosperity at .omc, 
it maintained peace and respectability abroad ; and 
what is more, it compelled even its enemies to pro- 
nounce it just ! 

The policy of our present administration ought 
to be denominated Jeffersonian, rather than Madisoni- 
an, because Mr. Jefferson was the father of it. And 
although Mr. Madison appears to have entered into the 
true spirit of it as fully as its founder himself ; yet, it 
seems, he can have very little claim to originality j but 
ought rather to be considered as an humble imitator of 
the example of his immediate predecessor ; unless it 
should be made to appear, that it was the production 
of their joint efforts ; in which case they ought to be 
entitled to share the honour, or the opprobium of it, 
equally between them. 

We have already discovered the Jeffersonian poli- 
cy to be a system of partiality, growing out of an in- 
veterate hatred to the British government, and a crim- 
inal devotion to that of France. And to carry this pol- 
icy into effect, and induce the people willingly to swal- 
low it, the most finished sophistry, and the deepest laid 
artifice, have been employed. For knowing that trade, 
to be profitable, must be left free as air - r and that it 
will direct its course whithersoever the breeze of 
prosperity shall waft it ; and perceiving that the Brit- 
ish, the objects of their hatred, would share the great- 
est proportion of it ; this policy pretended to prefer 
dry docks to naval enterprise. And tinder tl 



18 

clous pretext of saving our property and our seamen 
from capture, had recourse to embargoes, non inter- 
course laws, and other restrictive measures, whose 
real object was, the starvation of Great Britain. And 
to complete the chicanery, by fallaciously pretending 
to erect a naval defence, it adopted the gun boat sys- 
tem for the very purpose of carrying the restrictive 
measures into effect. 

Some of the warmest advocates of this Quixot- 
tic policy endeavour to justify it3 measures by alleg. 
ing, that the cupidity of merchants in shipping contra- 
band goods, frequently proves the cause of collisions 
and war, But we ought to consider, that the mer- 
chant knows before he ships his goods, that to lade in 
whole, or in part With those which are contraband of 
war, is a breach of law, which render their capture jus- 
tifiable. If, therefore, he voluntarily violate the law, 
the loss of his property is no more than a just punish- 
ment for such violation ; and it ought not to disturb 
the national tranquillity. 

These same advocates further allege, that the 
Chinese who are said to be immensely rich, never 
meddle with foreign navigation. Hence they contend 
that the carrying trade is of no advantage. To this I 
can only answer, that we know too little about the cir- 
cumstances of either the country or the government of 
the Chinese, to be justified in drawing any practical- 
conclusions from our imperfect knowledge of any of 
their customs. But this we can say with assurance. 
that it doth not comport with the united opinion of all 
those nations, with whom we are best acquainted. 

It hath been before observed, that the effects of this 
policy are its fruits, by which we ma}' know whethei 
it be good, or whether it be bad. By this standard. 
therefore let us try it. For although the real motives of 
the Jeffersonian policy have been studiously concealed ; 
yet it is afortunate circumstance, that its effects, by 
which those motivesmay be decyphcred,arc well known 
t) the world. The following are some of them. 



19 

By the interdiction of navigation, the mariner was 
the first to feel its dire effects. For not understanding 
agriculture, or any of the mechanic arts, but his edu- 
cation being- confined solely to the management of the 
ship, and being thus thrown out of employment, he 
was reduced to the dreadful alternative, either to starve, 
or to beg or steal, for a subsistence. But its effects 
were not long confined to this class of citizens : the 
poor of every description soon felt its pressure, by the 
price of the necessaries of life being raised to double or 
treble their former value. Nor did :re. 

For its effects upon the nation wen still more alarming ; 
for the great sources of revenue being thus cut off, the 
national repository was dried up : so ths govern- 

ment had now, no adequate means left, either for their 
own support, or for carrying on the war, but the un- 
certain one of borrowing, or the unpopular one of tax- 
ation. 

Thus hath the leffersoman policy, after binding 
us hand and foot, by depriving us of the means of car- 
rying it on, plunged us into a cruel and disastrous war, 
which presseth us heavily on all sides. To prosecute 
it with effect, we have not the means ; and to make an 
honourable retreat, we know not how ! This is a true 
and undisguised picture of some of the effects of the 
Jefferson policy, which hath been adopted and pursu- 
ed by Mr. Madison to the present time. 

"Thus I have endeavoured to exhibit a distinct 
view of the two systems of policy which have ba n a- 
dopted since the commencement of the federal govern- 
ment ; namely, that of our belpyed Washington, un- 
der whose benign influence the people enjoyed an un- 
exampled degree of prosperity and happiness ; and that 
of Mr. Jefferson, which was adopted by '• 1 1 Madison, 
and invariably pursued by our present administration; 
and which hath reduced the people of the U. Stau , 
from the prosperous and happy situation, in which 
the Washington policy left them, to the degraded 
and deple ate, which hath jllSf been de- 



20 

scribed. It was thought expedient to present a dis- 
tinct view of each, and of their different effects, that 
whoever ma}- give himself the trouble to examine and 
contrast them, may see at the first glance their essen- 
tial difference, and the opposite results to which they, 
with unerring certainty, lead. And it was deemed the 
more necessary to pursue this course, since the means 
of misrepresentation have been such, as to induce ma- 
ny people and honest men too, to believe, that there is 
no essential difference between the administration of 
Washington, and that of Jefferson or Madison ; but 
that the pretended difference is a mere federal trick. 
But in the portrait here exhibited, it is believed, they 
cannot fail clearly to discern that essential difference , 
which to us appears as clear as the sun at noon da)' ; 
and that, seeing the disastrous effects resulting from the 
crooked policy of the present administration, they may 
be induced to discard it, and to unite in restoring the 
long neglected policy of our beloved Washington, 
which would prove to this country as salutary and hap- 
py, as the restoration of the Bourbons to the crown of 
trance doth to that oppressed nation, to all Europe, 
and, may I not say, to the whole world. 

I shall close "this head, as I did the former one, by 
a few general observations. 

Government is intended to restrain the vices, and 
to regulate the passions of mankind. Therefore the 
object of all governments is, to render a people in the 
state of society, more happy. And in order that gov- 
ernment may have this effect, it is necessary, that the 
form of it should be adapted to the particular state and 
circumstances of the people. It would be erroneous 
to suppose, that the same form of goverment would 
produce the greatest sum of happiness to every com- 
rnunitv. lor a people sunk in ignorance and barba- 
rism, or entirely given up to licentiousness, having nei- 
ther knowledge nor virtue enough to restrain their 
brutish passions, would require the iron hand ol des- 
potism to regulate them, and to render their socicu 



21 

tolerable. Whilst an enlightened and virtuous peo ■ 
pie, capable of acting their part well in the article- 
legislation, are the only fit subjects for a republican 
form of government. It is not enough that the people 
have knowledge ; they must likewise have virtue to 
regulate that knowledge, to prevent its running into 
licentious and hurtful courses, and to restrain it to the 
channels of propriety and usefulness. (E.) 

And as a republican form of government is calcula- 
' ted only for the virtuous and well informed part of 
mankind : so it is indespensably necessary, in order to 
support such a form of government, and to render the 
people happy under it, that the people themselves, from 
the highest to the lowest, should assiduously cultivate 
those virtues, to the end that, in the exercise of those 
rights and privileges which such a form of government 
guarantees to them, they should be induced thereby, 
to use them solely for the public good. 

But if we may be allowed to judge of men's sen- 
timents, by their actions, there are many people, who 
imagine, that so long as they enjoy their elective rights 
and privileges, all will be well, whether they rightly 
use, or abuse them. For they virtually say, if we are 
free, we have a right to do as we please, jjut this is 
false reasoning, which converts liberty into liccncious- 
ness. For to give a man a right to do a thing, the cir- 
cumstances of the case must be such, as will justify 
the act ; and where the circumstances will not justify 
thc act, a man can claim no right to perform it, and if 
he do perform it, he doth it not of right, but at his 
peril. We cannot have a right to do wrong. 

Liberty and Independence, the choicest of nation- 
al blessings, and of which we so fondly and justly boast, 
are valuable only as they tend to make the people more 
happy. And the happiness of the people depends upon 
the use they make oftheirrights an3 privileges. So long 
therefore, as the people have virtue enough to induce 
them toexercise their rightsand privileges with asin 
eye to the public good ; so long will tin j prove of ines- 



22 

timable value to tlicm. But should the people become 
-so depraved, as to " use their liberty," as the apostle 
expresscth it, " for a cloak of maliciousness," it may- 
pro ve to them a real curse. If, for instance, in the 
exercise of the right of suffrage, instead of aiming at 
the public good, the object of the electors should be, 
to wreak their vengeance upon their political oppo- 
nents, and with this view should fill all important of- 
fices with unprincipled men, base enough to answer 
their party and malicious purposes ; the government, 
though of the most perfectly free and republican form, 
might become as oppressive and ruinous, as the most 
frightful despotism.^?} 

When public affairs become unprosperous, and 
the people are suffering under the pressure of war, tax- 
es, and various privations, they are apt to level their 
complaints and imprecations, exclusively against their 
rulers, who were the immediate cause of the mea- 
sures, which brought them on. And it is right and 
just, no doubt, that they should bear their full propor- 
tion of the censure. But a moment's reflection will 
shew, that it is the people themselves, who were pri- 
marily to blame. It was their will, their obstinate in- 
dulgence of party spirit, which, stifling the dictates of 
reason and patriotism, induced them to violate the sa- 
cked right of election : and which, instead of aiming 
at the public good, perversely led them to put weak 
or wicked men into office, to answer party purposes. 

Is it not astonishing, that men of sense, men whom 
we embrace in the arms of our charity, as honest, up- 
right , patriotic, and friends to mankind, should be so 
led away by the artifice of intriguing demagogues, as 
to be made willing to hazard the well being of their 
country, for the paltry consideration of party triumph ! 

easy to ( onceive, that the loaves and fishes may 
prove strong inducements to the candidates for high 
and lucrative offices, to make every exertion to obtain 
them. But what motive can the common people have 
m supporting with uncommon zeal, those men, who 



23 

Warmly advocate, and obstinately pursue a system of 
measures, which, without producing any advantage, 

have been constantly disgracing the American charac- 
ter, and which hath already loaded us with a debt, 
which will cause our posterity, poor souls ! for gener- 
ations yet to come, to stagger under its enormous 
weight ! Oh ! what a legacy to leave our children ! 
will they bless our memory for it ? Or will it not give 
them occasion, in the bitterest accents of grief, to la- 
ment the degeneracy of their parents ? 

The conclusion of the whole matter seems to be 
this : On the one hand, our government not feeling 
the force of that christian injunction, which requires 
us to forgive our enemies, hath, probably, entertained 
a secret enmity towards Great Britain ever since the 
revolutionary war. This hath kept the mind in a 
constant state of irritability, calculated to render it ex- 
tremely susceptible of, and disposed to magnify, the 
smallest injury received from that government. 

And on the other hand, the flatteries and menaces 
of Bonaparte, his unexampled success in subjugating 
one European nation after another, and his immense 
preparations to bring all Europe into his gigantic pi: 
called his continental system, the object of which was, 
to prevent all intercourse with Great Britain, and thus 
by starving her out, to bring her at his feet ; she ap- 
pearing to be the only insurmountable obstacle in the 
way of his march to universal dominion, which, un- 
doubtedly was his ultimate object. 

These commanding circumstances operating upon 
the mind of our government, which, it is probable, was, 
by prejudice predisposed for revenge, readily, we may 
conceive, brought our executive, together with the 
majority in congress, into a cordial co-operation widi 
the arch tyrant, in subjugating the object of their mu- 
tual hatred. 

Accordingly, after Bonaparte, by measures stamp- 
ed with a degree of perfidy and baseness, unequalled in 
history, had kidnapped the king and royal family of 



24 

Spain, and proclaimed his brother Joseph Jane, and 
was endeavouring by means of a powerful army to 
bring the Spanish and Portuguese nations under his 
yoke : likewise after the British government had es- 
poused the cause of these oppressed and distressed 
nations, and to succour them had sent a fleet and ar- 
my to the Peninsula, and the contest remained doubt- 
ful : then was the favourable moment for the Ameri- 
can government to shew to their friend Napoleon then 
good will, and to afford him such assistance as was in 
their power, which they did, by withholding their pro- 
visions, which the allied powers wanted for the sup- 
port of their armies. Accordingly our government, 
in December 1807, laid their first embargo, just five 
days after Bonaparte passed his famous Milan Decree. 

Thus it appears, our government have gone hand 
in hand with Napoleon as completely, as though their 
heads had been together to concert the whole plan ; 
our government by the embargo, cutting off the sup- 
plies to the allied army in the Peninsula, whilst Bona- 
parte by his decrees intercepts them going to every 
part of the British territories. 

At length the embargo and other restrictive meas- 
ures, not having the effect upon G. Britain, which was 
anticipated; and she being so engaged in the European 
wars, as not to be in a situation to send large reinforce- 
ments to her American colonies ; and above all, Bo- 
naparte being then fitting out a most formidable arina- 
mament against Russia, the principal power to oppose 
his continental system ; it was calculated that this 

, with the invincible Napoleon at its head, would. 
with certainty bring all the northern powers to his 
terms. Hence our government did not hesitate to 
predict the speedy downfall of the British power ; (F) 
and judging it a favourable time, proclaimed war a 
gainst Great Britain in June, 18X2, and immediately 
sent an expedition against the Canadas, which were 
expected to fall an easy prey. 

And what were the consequences of these ar- 



25 

ftients made with such assurance of success? 
Alas ! like Ephraim, we had joined ourselveles unto 
idols, and the Lord went not forth with us. Our 
counsels were made like that of Ahithophel ; we were 
therefore discomfited ; and they who escaped captivi- 
ty returned with dust on their heads. 

And thus have we proceded for more than two 
long years, meeting with little else but defeat and dis- 
grace. Our national debt, by the last report of the 
treasurer, already exceeds 107 millions of dollars, ex- 
clusive of the immense expence of calling out the mi- 
litia to guard our seaports, as well as our inland fron- 
tiers. Our enemies, in consequence of the peace of 
Europe, are swarming in upon us, so that we are 
sorely pressed on all sides. And if our Warfare should 
not be better conducted in future, than it hath been 
for the past, nor peace take place ; we shall have rea- 
son to tremble for our very existence as a nation I 
The keeper of the great national repository hath to 
guard empty vaults ; and we have not money suf- 
ficient either to recruit the army, or to furnish sup- 
plies. This is but toe true a picture of the dreadful 
situation, to which the blind policy of an infatuated 
administration hath reduced us. 

In this awful situation permit me to inquire, 
where now is Mr. Gerry's supereminent statesman ? 
That prodigy of human nature ! that comet of the first 
magnitude, Napo'ieon ! for whose friendship, it seems, 
our government were willing to barter that of the 
whole world ! Is lie a coming to our assistance with 
his legions, to extricate us from the deplorable situa- 
tion into which we have been most perfidiouslv drawn ? 
Ah ! no. He, \\ ho boastingly said, " he would resign 
his imperial dignity only with his life," hath tamely 
submitted to capitulation, to save his life ! He, who sent 
his usurping, imperial brother Toussaint, into Exile, 
hath himself gone into the same Exile ! He, who hath 
lead many nations into captivity, hath himself gone 
into captivity ! and thus the great disturber of the 
peace of the world, hath ce om troubling ! 1 

I) 






What shall v things ° The will of 

is done ; Blessed be his name forever ! And let 

all the people say, AMEN ! ! 



■ 



APPENDIX, 

Containing Proofs and Illustrations of several passa- 
ges found in the preceding Oration, referred toby 
Letters placed in Alpha :; tical Order. 

A. See Page 13. 

Newark was A small, compact, hadsome village, situate 
on the Canada side of the river Niagara, about half a mile from 
Fort George, consisting of about 150 bouses and containing a- 
bout 400 inhabitants, chiefly women and children. 

General M Clure commanding at Fort George, finding his 
force too small to resist that of the British, which was collecting 
to attack him, resolved upon demolishing the Fort and retiring 
across the river to the American side. In this resolution he 
was completely justified by the laws and usages of civilizied 
warfare. But previously to carrying this resolution into effect, 
\ e the defenceless inhabitants of Newark) notice, that in 
e should burn the pluce, letting them have that 
tuiie to remove their effects and procure shelters for themselves 
their women and cliii c! : •_ » : . But poor souls! there were no 
places to which they could lice ; for there were no villages near, 
Few out houses. The threat was put in exexcution on 
tiie evening of the 1 Oth of December, 1813, being on a cold 
winters' night, in a must rigorous climate, where the wretch- 
ed inhabitants were compelled to witness the destruction of 
their properly, without any other means of keeping themselves 
warm, during this night of horror) than the heat of their burn- 
ing houses ! This barbarous outrage unparallelied in the history 
of civilized warfare, n< ent. 

11. •' 14. 

To show this partiality, I I ave to refer the reader to 

the F ress, in December, 1S;7. In 

ident paints in the most vivid colon rs and 

represents iu a vie J. io excite resentment, animos- 

Dritish government, for their vari- 
ous aggressions and particularly for their outrage committed 
upon the I tatc's Frigate Chesapeake. The smart of 



1 

the wound inflicted upon our national honour, by tl 
was sensibly Felt by all panics, amongst whom the 1 edei 
were not the last to express their res« ntment. But it w ... - i 
made known, that it was not the act of the government, but th 
of an individual; and that the British government, were so far 
from justifying it, or even winking at it, that they publiekly dis- 
avowed it, promised ample rep '.ration and punish the offending /uc*v^r/ 
officer for the injury he had done. Yes, i s soon ;.-; the fact was 
substantiated, they punished him severely, by removing him 
from an honourable and lucrative command. What more 
could reasonable men desire, or justice require ! This chan 
the aspect c I the crime, as it respected the British government^ 
and as it ought to do, allayed the popular ferment. 

But notwithstanding this, the I m his speech to 

Congress, at the opening of their session, in December, 1807 — 
brought up this affair, with many others, which he laboured to 
paint in the strongest colours and to represent in the most a 
gravating manner, without i i ntion their dis t- 

vowal of the act, or their prom i . >■ Wasthisdoi 

with a \iev. of prejudicing the minds of the people more strong* 
ly against Great Britain ? 

The Berlin decree, which made an open attack upon the 
Independence of our own, and upon that of every other nation, 
and which had been the means of robbing us of many millions 
of dollars, was slightly referred to- The act ot Spain in adopt- 
ing that decree and putting it in force, was mentioned, as only a 
*' cause of serious complaint." And to sum up the whole mat- 
ter, lie, in the same Message declares, that M with the other 
nations of F.ur< inncc) " our harmony had been 

uninterrupted, and commerce and friendly intercourse main- 
tained on their usual footing." Mow permit me to ask — I) 
this, or docs it not, look as tl 
liom the i . the idea of an >ne us by I 

C . •'. 14. 

On the 2d. of November l 8 I ►, the President declared 
Proclamation, that the Berlin and .Milan Decrees from that 
time forth would cease to ©perate against ed States. — 

But this revocation of Buoi - Decrees, we < : >uld 

serve, was mace, not by Bonaparte himself, but by Mr. 
tion for him. An umed, he performed th 

i office for lus fiiend Bona, in return for a 
before received from him. • let- 

ter < f the 1 5th of J 

words are these : " V ' elwccn England 

Kel 

e acted ! 1 
Mr. Madison 



notwithstanding Mr, Madisons fieahng proclamation, Bona- 
parte's cruisers, impudent fellows I continue to take, burn and 
destroy all the American vessels tlicy ran come at on the high 
seas. A list of forty five of those vessels, taken since the 2d. 
of November 1810, exclusive of the Robinson Ova, the Nep- 
tune the Two Brothers and the Zebra, four other American 
vessels also taken by the French, after that time, Mas laid on the 
speaker's table in Congress. And instead of eight American 
vessels reported to have been burnt, sunk and destroyed by the 
Trench squadron, Mr. Etnott, in his speech in Congress of Jan- 
uary 12th 1813, says, the number was nearly thirty. When 
did the President communicate to Congi ess an account of these 
French depredations ? Never. 

Mr. Smith, then Secretary of State, declares, that " on the 
20th of February 181 l,the French government did officially and 
T ? br?>uir lf through their minister Mr. Serrurier, communii 
this government, their fixed determination, not to restore the 
property that had been so seized." Here permit me further to 
ask — -When did the President communicate to Congress this 
determination of the French government? Mr. Emott, then a 
member of Congress, says, it " has never yet been laid before 
us by the executive." Had the President have frankly and ful- 
ly made known to Congress and the people the true and undis- 
guised state of our relations with Fiance, how different Mould 
have been the situation of the United States at this lime ! 

A communication of the depredations made by France upon 
the American commerce, alter the " assumed authority" by 
the President to revoke Bonaparte's Berlin and Milan Decrees, 
might at least have the appearance of calling in question the va- 
lidity of that authority. And the making known to Congress 
the determination of France not to restore the property taken 
from us, might and probably would have prevented our non-in- 
ter course and war with Great Britain. These favourite, ob- 
jects must not, on any account have been foregone i 

D. See Page 15. 
The difference between our government and Mr. Jackson, 
the British Minister seemed to be this : Mr. Jackson sup] 
that Mr. Frskine must have shown to our secretary hi;, instruc- 
tions containing the conditions upon which he was authorized to 
negotiate with our government for the rev< i of the Orders 

in Council ; and that having seen them they must have known, 
that he was not impowered by them to make tin arrangement 
which he did make. His words, at which the e took 

umbrage were these. " These instructions," (meanii k Mr. 
Canning's to Mr. Frskine, contained in bib letter, dated Ja 
ry 23, 18()*>) " I now understand by your letter, as well as the 
obvious deductions which I took the liberty of making in 



29 

of the 1 1th inst. were, at the time in substance made ! i >wn t» 
you." Sec Mr Jackson's letter to the Secretary o! i 
October 23d, 1809. 

-A44- these expressions our government started, and instead 
of asking for explanations, peremptorily charged him with hav- 
ing mule u improper allusions," and with having repeated a 
language, " implying a knowledge on the part of the Amcric in 
government, that the instructions of his predecessor did not au- 
thorise the arrangement formed by him." 

Mr. Erskinc's Instructions were these ; he war, authoi 
to negotiate with the American government lor the removal of 
the Orders in Council, upon these three express conditions : 
1st. Provided the American government would remove the 
interdiction of our ports to British ships of war, and the non- 
importation and embargo laws, as they related to Great Britain. 
2d. Provided the American government would renounce 
the claim of a right to trade in time of war, with the enemy's 
colonies, in a manner forbidden in time of peace. And 

3d. That British ships of war should be permitted to aid in 
enforcing the embargo against France and her allies. See Mr. 
Canning's Letter of Instructions to Mr. Erskine of January 23, 
1809, above referred to. In which instructions he was further 
authorised to communicate the letter, in full, to the American 
government. 

These instructions are supposed to have grown out of cer- 
tain unofficial verbal propositions made by one of the members 
of our cabinet, to the British minister, which he agreed to com- 
municate to his government for their instructions. 

Now, which is the most probable, that Mr. Erskine did, or 
that he did not, communicate these instructions to cur govern- 
ment; since he was authorised by the same letter, so to com- 
municate them? Do not Ministers Plenipotentiary always ex- 
mge their powers, to shew to each other, that they are duly 
authorised, before they enter upon N< 

Should any one require sin! u . , o convince him 

of partiality in our ment, let him look at this: When Mr. 

Jackson the British minister use I expres ions, which might he 
construed as disrepectful ; our I not ask for an ex- 

planation, but instantly charged him with insult, refused any fur- 
ther communications from him, and dismissed him. 

When Gen. Turreau, the French minister, wrote a most 
insulting letter to our goi crn'mem the s< is directed to 

request him to take it back ; but Tu - irne 

afterwards, the secretary made a journey, i! I 
to Philadelphia, t i oua 

er ; but he still re fused, . 
copy of it to his gbvernmi n . I having thus becoi 

ter of record, it couid not . ..[. 



• er Mr. Jackson's d be withdrew it without apoli 

explanation. Why this strong solicitude, these unprecidented) 
exertions to induce 'I urreau to withdraw his obnoxious letter ? 
Was it because] that though the executive himself could easily 

itover; yet he supposed, that should it become publick, 
the people would not brook it ? 

Audit must be fresh in the memory of every one, v 

. )\v took in creeping after Bonaparte, from Fram e 
to the northern regions, importuning him for a promise of rep- 
aration, for the amount of more than fifty millions of d< 
surreptitiously taken from American citizens ; to which servili- 
ty Barlow sacrificed his life, without obtaining even the promise 
of reparation. 

]•:. See Page 21. 

It was stated, that virtue in the people is an indispensable 
requisite, in a republican form of government. Let us examine 
this position a little more minutely, in order to ascertain 
whether it be correct. 

By virtue is here intended, a concientious regard to the es- 
tablished principles of right and wrong : Or it is a principle 
founded upon the fitness and propriety of things and actions, as 
it respects our several relations of life, whether to God, as our 
creator, parent and benefactor ; or to mankind, as they severally 
stand related to us. Hence virtue and morality may be consid- 
ered as synonymous, or nearly so. 

And these principles oi right and wrong, of ii'ness and 

propriety, lake their stamp from, or are rendered conformable 

to, the ide ally. entertained of the attributes of Deity. 

Hence thoue principles of virtue and morality, as well as their 

I customs, vary in fiiiTi,. em nations, agreeably to the no- 

pectively entertain of the Supremo 

'1 he r positions being granted, permit me to ask, wherein 

consist the nd morality ol those, who profess Atheism I 

i his query i i ol intended to apply to any nation, because I know 

of none, however b irbarous, who do not entertain some vague 

upreme Being. Can the morality of the Atheist 

dation, than that of custom and a certain 

honour? Foi so long as the ivesina society 

■ ion of the'la irality is deemed dis- 

honoui ible ; v long will he it. Uut should the 

lity so prevail, as entirely to do 
the id each of those law-, what 

should we find the Atheist then to be ? Surely not a 

. in< e ol tht .'\ the violation of which he could 

■ . . crimin 

on : 
ol hi* 



m of policy ; let c.s attend to his opinion upon this subj< 
lie says " of all the dispositions i nd habits which ! \iti« 

i .1 prosperity, n ligion and morality are indispeni >rts.' 

And, continues he, " 'I politi< i n, equally with tiic pi- 

ous man, ought to respect and tocherish them." "Let it simp- 
ly be asked, where is ihc security for Pro] . utation, 
for Life, if the sense of religious obligation desert tlie oathsi 
which arc the instruments of investigation in com is of justice V 
m Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refim d educa- 
tion on minds of peculiar i tructure, reason and experience, both 
forbid, us to expect that national morality can prevail in exclu- 
sion of religious principle." 

" In vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism, (says 
Washington) who should labour to subvert the pillars of 

human happiness, (religion and morality) these firmest props of 
the duties of men and citizens." And as the words of Wash- 
ington have hitherto proved like the voice of inspiration, h 
permit mefurtherto ask, where then couldhave been the patiiot- 
ism of that man, who laboured to rip up the foundation ol the 
Christian system of religion and morality, by writing and pub- 
lishing that infamous production, falsely called "the age of rea- 
son ?" What claim to patriotism could that great personage have, 
■who invited his return to this country, that lie might resume his 
antich ristiaif work here, which by a per version of the obvious mcan- 
ingof words he denominated "useful labours ?" The ruinous ef- 
fects of his whole system of policy must give the answer. What 
claim to patriotism, can those persons have, who have advocated Sc 
endeavoured to disseminate those destructive principles contained 
in that infamous production ? and finally, what claim to patriot- 
ism can those persons ha' e, who >it of dispa 
the Holy Scriptures which convey to us the t of a Sn 
preme Being and of making such low, vulgar and disrespe< 
allusions to the great and sacred name of Deity his al 
and. institutions, as tend to stagger our faith in his being, our 
venerati for 1 is character,and our reliance on his mercy, m 
last hope 1 Do not all these practices tend " to subvert those 
great pillars of human I s, those firmest preps" of a pop- 
nku aent, without which, it was Washington's opinion, 
such a government could not long subsist ? 

It is a belief in th't being and attributes of Deity, which pives 
force to moral obligation. For if we believe not in the e . 
of a supreme Being, and in a future state of retri 
could there be to - to fear or dread any punishment 

the violation of his lav mc soal 

doned, as to deny the reality of his exi i s an< 

tutions must of course be di?' . \w 

more than mere imposture and delusion. Under the full im- 
ession of such a state of mind, wha .. 



■ 

posed to the unlimited gratification of every vicious passion end 
propensity? lor the turpitude of a crime would, in this case 
be entirely done away. There could be no e.uch iking us crimi- 
nality in the abstract. For criminality and turpitude depend 
upon a supposed violation of the divine law. 

Hence we may conclude, that vice and immorality are the 
natural fruits of Atheism. And in support of this position, the 
history of the French revolution affords abundant proof. For 
that history informs us, that the atheistic rulers of that d<_ . 
and licentious nation, of whom Robespierre was at the head, not 
contented with enjoying in anticipation tbe conquest of the \. 
and the speedy demolition ofevcry ancient institution; too haughty 
to acknowledge any superior, either in heaven, or upon earth ; 
and loo wicked to hope for a happy hereafter ; and swearing c- 
tcrnal hatred to kings and royalty of every description, auda- 
ciously attempted to dethrone the king ol heaven himself ! But 
Deity not being assailiable by guns and bayonetts, they endeav- 
oured to dispossess him of his throne, which he of right ought 
to hold in every person's breast, by that terrible decree, which 
they formally passed, sacraligiously declaring and proclaiming 
that, " there is no God but nature," and that " Death is eternal 
sleep I" And being thus prepared for the unbounded gratifica- 
tion of every vicious passion and propensity, the bare recital of 
the crimes and enormities of every description, committed by 
that depraved people and recorded in the same history, would 
cause humanity to shudder and put decency to the blush. 

The same history goes further to pro\e the correctness of 
another position advanced in the foregoing oration, (see page 
17.) in which it was stated, that the perversion of the right of e- 
lection, by putting bad men into important offices to answer 
wicked purposes) and a corrupt administration of the govern- 
ment, may render a republican form of government as oppres- 
sive, and 1 will now add, as bloody, as the most cruel despot- 
ism. 

For revolutionary France adopted a Republican form of 
government. But virtue in the people was converted into li- 
centiousness ; reverence for the Deity was changed into AlUc- 
ism ; and crime was thus divested of criminality. And thus 
v. ere the people prepared for the unrestrained and unlimited 
gratifications ofe very vicious passion and propensity. When- 
i ver thereforei a set of men rose up, who thirsted for the rein", 
ernment, they had only to raise a strong party, accuse 
those in power whose places they coveted, (and in this case they 
could easily prove any thing they wished to do,) condemn them. 
and hurry them off to the Guillotine, and thus, by the help of 
the licentious populace, get proclaimed in their stead. Thus 
revolution succeeded revolution, till theearth became glutted 
with the blood of the rubers. \\ hen at length, the bitter inform- 



ed part of the people finding it dangerous to accept of a high of- 
fice and becoming weary of such a state of things readily co-op- 
e rated with Bonaparte, to assist him in performing the best act 
oi hi-* life, by putting an end to a form of government for which 
the people were so ill qualified, and establishing a despotism. 
por under an absolute monarchy the depraved people of France 
Height have been tolerably happy, most certainly much niwre hap- 
py than they were under their popular government, had Bona- 
parte been a good man. 

T. See Page 24. 

About the time Mr. Jefferson rejected the treaty with 
Great Britain, made by his own favourite ministers, Munn e and 
Pinckney, he sent it back without laying it before the senate. 
This unprecedented procedui e e exited great sensations amongst 
both political parties. And his fiiti.ds questioning; him upon 
the subject, his reply was, that he did not desire any treaty with 
Great Britain. And the reason given by him was, that it would 
be of little or no consequence ; because, said he, within a year, 
she will cease to be an Independent Nation I See Ivj r. Picker- 
ing's Speech on the Loan Bill. 

And here is a further proof of his arch sophistry and duplici- 
ty, with which, as was before observed, his whole administration 
was strongly marked. For notwithstanding he did not desire a 
treaty or compromise with Great Britain, but was determined to 
prevent it : And to prevent it, he evaded the laying of il before 
the Senate, lest they should be induced to recommend its ratifi- 
cation, especially as his ministers had pronounced it an advan- 
tageous treaty. Vet, I say, notwithstanding this secret but firm 
determination, not to compromise, such was his maehiav elliaa 
policy, that upon all occasions he expressed an anxious desire to 
obtain an honourable adjustment v\kh Great Britain : And to 
quiet the people, who were loud in their calls for a settlement, 
after he had rejected Munroe's and Pinkney's treaty, he ordered 
them to renew their negotiations, and if possible to effect a set- 
tlement of what he termed " the differences which ought no 
longer to exist between two nations, having so many motives to 
establish and cherish mutual Friendship." See secretary Mad- 
ison's letter to Messrs. Monroe and Pinckney, of the IS t h of 
March, 1807. But it is to be remembered, that Mi. Jefferson, 
to prevent a compromise, took care to insert some condition 
with which, he was sure, Great Britain would not, or could not, 
comply. Exactly the same policy hath been pursued by the 
present administration to this day. They profess a desire to 
put a stop to the horroura of war. Why then, after the Orders 
in Council were revoked, which were the ostensible ground of 
the war, did they not propose an armistice; and open a ne 
tion ? Then was the favourable momi M g»r <. ttaining an hon- 
ourable' peace, saving thousands ol . rent- 
ing the accumulation of a debt, which, if it should not sii 

E 



nation, must greatly distress the people for generations yet to 
come. The government, in my opinion were, if possible,'more 
culpable for refusing that opportunity for making an honourable 
peace, than they were for imprudently declaring a ruinous war. 
Several other opportunities for setding the dispute, have occur- 
red, bat have been as often rejected. When the Orders in 
Councii w ere revoked, the Impressment of American seamen 
"was substituted as a cause for continuing the war. And when 
the British government hud renounced all pretentions to a right 
to impress American born citizens, the protectionof Foreigners, 
even though they should prove to be British deserters, is claim- 
ed, and now appears to be tlie only pretext for prolonging the 
war 

How are we to account for these things ? The answer is 
ea->y. Our government had come forward voluntarily, bowed 
the neck, and taken Napoleon's yoke upon them, by going fully 
into bis system of starvation and war. The Embargo, Non-In- 
tercourse, and Non-Importation laws, were adopted in aid of 
Napo:eon J s Berlin decree. They were all hostile measures, and 
intended conjunctly with the Berlin decrceto operateas a Block- 
ade, to reduce Great Britain by starvation. The real object of 
them was kept carefully concealed under the guise of municipal 
regulations, only because the people were not yet ripe for open 
hostilities. And had all nations been weak or wicked enough 
to have adopted Napoleon's Continental System, as his Berlin 
Decree required, it is highly probable, Bonaparte's grand objects 
would have been obtained. These objects were, first, the subju- 
gation of Great Britain, and then the conquest of the whole 
-world ! In the first of these, our government might have been 
fully gratified. But in the second, they must, under the galling 
chains of slavery, have submitted to lick the dust, with the other 
enslaved Nations ! Nor is this exaggeration, notwithstanding 
what the advocates of the present -gevemmeflrt may pretend to 
the contrary, lor when Bonaparte had once brought the Con- 
tinental powers of Europe under his control ; and had added to 
his gigantic power on the land the navy of Great Britain which 
commands the ocean ; then would he have been in a situation 
emphatically " to look down all opposition I" For none would 
then dare to oppose him. 

Had Alexander tamely summitted to give up so much of 
his Independence, as to yield to the dictates of Napoleon, as we 
had done, Bonaparte would not have marched his legions to Mos- 
cow. But thanks be to God, who inspired him wit h wisdom and 
fortitude to frustrate the machinations, and to foil the power of 
the most intriguing and dangerous Tyrant, that ever disturbed 
the peace- of the world, or that occasioned the slaughter of so 
many of the human race 1 By his noble example, he inspired 
and animated the ncighbour-Piincei and States, and by the;- 



35 

ioint efforts they have not only secured the safety of their own 
Territories ; but also saved a world from slavery i Glory be to 
God in the highest 1 that there is now a prospect of peuce again 
upon the Earth, and of the revival of Good Will amongst men 1 
Some people imagine that the downfall of Bonaparte affords 
no ju*t cause of rejoicing in this country. — I am of a different 
opinion. I am ready to acknowledge that we might have more 
easily obtained an honourable settlement with Great Britain 
whilst Bonaparte was successful. But that favourable opportu- 
nity our government rejected, and I believe ever would have 
ham rejected, so long as he should remain prosperous. And 
had he continued successful, and obtained the great objects of 
his ambition, we, as was before»shown,must have been swallowed 
up in the mighty vortex. We could not safely calculate upon 
any exclusive favours from him ; for tyranny is a monster with- 
out natural affection, and knows neither friends nor favourites, 
when they stand in the way of its ambition. For the truth of 
this position, Spain furnishes ample proof. And therefore, al- 
though his downfall, resulting in a general peace in Europe, 
may leave Great Britain at liberty to send a much larger propor- 
tion of her disposable force to America, whereby the character 
of the war may be changed, from that of offensive to defensive, 
or in other words, from that of conquest to defence ; yet the in- 
creased pressure of the war upon us from this cause, is, in my 
opinion, infinitely overbalanced, by our happy escape from the 
detestable thraldom, which must have inevitably followed Bona- 
parte's ultimate success. The Tyrant is fallen, and the chains 
forged for us are broken ! Let Americans rejoice 1 Yea, let ev- 
ery friend to mankind rejoice at this important event. 

Bonaparte, when he seized the reins of government, and 
caused the imperial diadem to be placed on his head, employed 
his most distinguished orators to harangue the people in the bit- 
terest strains of invective, against republicanism and every form 
of elective government. The newspapers of that time contain 
several of those harangues, in which the right of election, par- 
ticularly, is denounced as productive of the greatest mischiefs, 
pregnaRtwith the greatest evils, and inadmissablc under any 
form of government. And his practice hath been every where 
conformable to those principles. For he hath annihilated every 
republick, over which hia rapacious cagics have spread their 
blighting wings ! 

Is it possible then, that Americans, who so highly prize their 
elective franchise, can regret the fall of him, who was the most 
inexorable foe to republicanism, and who trampled upon th~ 
rights and privileges of the people, wherever he found them I 
No: surely they cannot regret his fall. But everyone, who 
loves Liberty, and wishes for the uninterrupted enjoyment of 
cur dearest rights and privileges, must be under the stroogeit 



3d 

inducements to icjoice, and to be deeply penetrated with he. 
felt gratitude to the great Disposer of Events, fur checking the 
Tyrant's career, an'd for not suffering him lo pursue his bleed- 
ing victim, Liberty,' to this her last retreat ! The only cause* 
of regret which we can have, is that the United States have been 
drawn into so close a connexion with Bonaparte, which, if it hi 
not made the nations of Europe our enemies, it hath at le; 
caused them to become very cool friends. Could our coniiu 
ion and co-operation with him have any other effect ? 

It hath been denied by the advocates of the present admin- 
istration, that our government have had any connexion with Bo- 
naparte, in any of their measures. Why then did Bonaparte 
name the United States of America as belonging to his parly, 
when he proposed an armistice, and a congress to meet at Prague, 
to settle the preliminaries of peace. The Paris Moniteur, a 
paper under his immediate and absolute control, under date of 
May 23, 1813, says, " The emperour Napoleon has proposed 
the meeting of a congress at Prague, to consult on a general 
Peace. On the side of France there will be Plenipotentiaries 
from the United States of America, Denmark, King Joseph, 
and the Princes of the Rhenish confederation : On the other 
side, those of England, Russia, Prussia, the Spanish Insurgents, 
and other allies of that Belligerent Mass." Now to entitle the 
United States, to be named by Bonaparte as one of the nations 
on his side, they must be considered as something more than 
mere friends ; they must be in some form or other, his Allies. 
It is evident Bonaparte viewed us as such ; and it would not be 
strange, if the allied powers from a variety of circumstances 
should entertain the same opinion. I will mention only one of 
those circumstances, which none, I presume, will attempt to de- 
ny, which is this : The republican papers, which have warmly 
advocated every war measure of the present administration, have 
been prompt in emblazoning every victory and advantage gained 
by Napeleon over the Allies, in every part of Europe. And 
they have likewise discovered a reluctance and backwardness in 
publishing his reverses ; and when they have done it, deep re- 
gret hath been clearly depicted in the performance ; and the 
manner of doing it hath been such, as in some measure to dis- 
credit the truth of the narration. Thus when the news arrived 
of the Allies having entered Paris, and of Bonaparte's capitula- 
tion, the account of these events was headed in the Chronicle 
with "What a \Vh*ale 1" But as these papers have gone to 
Europe in their proper shape, it U presumed they speak a la 
guagc, which is there clearly understood. And these observa- 
tions arc made to strip them of their ;<uise, in order that they 
may be as intelligible here, as they are in any part of the world. 
For here, I believe, they have deceived thousands, and induced 
them to advocate measures, whose adoption 1 have no doubt, 
they now, in their hearts, most sincerely regret. 

LBD'U 



